Funding

Who pays for this

Right now, nobody does. This page exists so that if that ever changes, you read it here first — before anyone else gets to tell you about it.

Last checked: 2026-09-09

Why this page exists before there is anything on it

A project that warns people about threats is worth exactly as much as its independence. The moment money arrives, someone will reasonably ask who paid, and what they got for it.

Publishing this page while the answer is still “nobody, and nothing” means the record starts clean. It can be read backwards and checked, instead of being written afterwards to explain something that already happened. A transparency page that appears on the same day as the first cheque is not transparency.

What it actually costs to run

A domain name, and the free service tiers of everything else — the website hosting, the scanning schedule, the notification backend. The total is tens of euros a year, not thousands.

The expensive input to this project has never been money. It is time.

What money would change — and what it would not

It would buy sources that currently cost money, faster and wider scanning, and time to keep the thing running properly.

These do not change, whatever arrives:

• Alerts stay free.
• Everyone gets the same alert at the same time. No paid tier, no early access, no premium version, ever.
• No advertising on this site, in the alerts, or in the channel.
• No funder sees an alert before the public does.
• No funder can add, remove, or change what is monitored, or how it is scored.

Money this project will not take

Some money costs more than it pays. These are refused on sight:

• Any government of a country this project watches — Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Russia, Belarus — including through an agency, ministry, or state-funded intermediary. Being paid by a party to what is being watched would make every warning worth less, whichever side paid.
• Defence ministries, armed forces, and intelligence services, anywhere, or anything routed through them.
• Political parties, campaigns, and candidates.
• Arms manufacturers and defence contractors.
• Anyone asking for influence — a subject added, a story dropped, a wording changed, or sight of an alert before it is published.
• Anonymous money above €500 from a single source. Above that it is named here or it is returned.

What that leaves open: a grant from an independent foundation, or from a public research fund with no stake in this region and no say in the work. If one is ever accepted it appears in the table below with every condition attached to it, and none of the rules above bend for it.

The front page of this site says it is not affiliated with any government. A disclosed, arm’s-length grant is not an affiliation — but that difference is only worth something if you can check it yourself. That is what the table is for.

What gets published if funding ever arrives

Within seven days, in the table below: who gave it, how much, on what date, what it is for, how long it lasts, and every condition attached to it. If there is a contract, the terms that matter in plain language.

Money that is refused gets listed too, when the refusal is worth knowing about. An offer turned down says as much about a project as one accepted.

The ledger

Small tips

There is an optional tip button (Ko-fi) on the main page. Tips are counted in the total above, not listed one by one — sending a few euros should not put your name on a public page.

A tip buys nothing. Not influence, not priority, not a different alert. It is a tip. Anything over €500 from one source stops being a tip and follows the rule above: named here, or returned.

Questions

This is a one-person, non-commercial project. If something on this page does not add up, ask: [email protected].